HR-524-119
Referred to the House Committee on Ways and Means.
Sponsored by John Moolenaar (R-MI)
What it does
This bill would prohibit entities created in, organized in, or controlled by China, Russia, Iran, or North Korea — or entities controlled by such entities — from claiming a broad range of federal energy-related tax credits and incentives. The affected credits cover clean energy production and investment (solar, wind, nuclear, hydrogen, carbon capture), alternative fuels (biodiesel, sustainable aviation fuel), clean vehicles, and advanced manufacturing. Such entities would also be barred from claiming a tax deduction for energy-efficient commercial building improvements and from receiving excise tax refunds on certain fuel mixtures they produce.
Who benefits
U.S.-owned and allied-nation-owned clean energy companies that compete with Chinese, Russian, Iranian, or North Korean-linked firms for federal tax incentives. Domestic advanced manufacturing firms in the clean energy supply chain. U.S. workers in those industries who may face less foreign-subsidized competition. Policymakers and national security advocates concerned about adversary nations benefiting from U.S. taxpayer-funded incentives. Domestic fuel producers (biodiesel, SAF, alternative fuels) who compete with foreign-linked entities.
Who is hurt
Entities with ownership or control ties to the four named countries that currently claim or plan to claim these credits — including U.S.-incorporated subsidiaries of Chinese, Russian, Iranian, or North Korean parent companies. U.S. joint venture partners with such entities who may lose access to credits. Clean energy project developers who rely on foreign capital or components from these countries and may face financing disruptions. Legal and compliance professionals who would face complex "control" determinations. Consumers and project developers who may see higher costs if foreign-linked capital exits the U.S. clean energy market.
Supporters argue
Supporters argue that allowing entities linked to geopolitical adversaries to claim U.S. taxpayer-funded energy credits is a direct subsidy to nations that actively work against American interests — and that the Inflation Reduction Act's credits were never intended to benefit Chinese or Russian state-linked enterprises. They contend that companies like Gotion High-Tech (a Chinese battery manufacturer that has sought U.S. subsidies) illustrate a concrete, documented pattern of adversary-linked firms exploiting American incentive programs, and that restricting these credits is a straightforward national security measure that protects both taxpayer dollars and the integrity of the domestic clean energy supply chain.
Opponents argue
Opponents argue that the bill's broad "control" standard is vague and could sweep in U.S.-incorporated companies with minority foreign shareholders or supply chain ties, creating legal uncertainty that chills legitimate clean energy investment at a critical moment for domestic industry growth. They contend that existing tools — including CFIUS review, export controls, and the "foreign entity of concern" provisions already embedded in the Inflation Reduction Act — already address this risk, and that adding a separate, overlapping tax disqualification layer may produce inconsistent outcomes and invite litigation over what "control in the aggregate" means in practice.