S-4295-119
Read twice and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
Sponsored by Rick Scott (R-FL)
What it does
This bill would permanently prohibit all U.S. contributions — voluntary and involuntary — to UNRWA (the UN agency that provides humanitarian aid to Palestinian refugees), any successor entity, or any UN budget line supporting UNRWA. It would also bar federal funding for U.S. delegations to, and U.S. contributions to, any UN body chaired or presided over by a country the Secretary of State has designated as a state sponsor of terrorism. Finally, it would strip UNRWA officials, employees, and representatives of all diplomatic immunities and privileges they currently hold under U.S. law.
Who benefits
U.S. taxpayers who oppose funding UNRWA. Israeli government and citizens who have raised concerns about UNRWA's alleged ties to Hamas. Members of Congress seeking greater oversight of U.S. contributions to international organizations. Countries and organizations that compete with UNRWA for U.S. foreign aid dollars, as funds could be redirected. Advocates for stricter counterterrorism standards in foreign assistance.
Who is hurt
Palestinian refugees — approximately 5.9 million registered with UNRWA across Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria — who rely on UNRWA for food, healthcare, education, and shelter. UNRWA staff (roughly 30,000 employees, mostly Palestinian) who would lose diplomatic protections. U.S. diplomatic personnel who may lose access to UN bodies chaired by designated states, potentially reducing American influence in those forums. Humanitarian organizations that coordinate with UNRWA. Countries hosting Palestinian refugee populations that depend on UNRWA services to manage social stability. UN system broadly, as reduced U.S. engagement could weaken multilateral institutions.
Supporters argue
Supporters argue that a 2024 UN investigation found credible evidence that a significant number of UNRWA staff participated in or had ties to the October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks, and that Israel's government has documented UNRWA facilities being used for military purposes. They contend that continuing to fund UNRWA effectively subsidizes an organization that has been compromised by a designated terrorist organization, and that stripping diplomatic immunity from UNRWA personnel is necessary to ensure accountability when those individuals may have facilitated violence against civilians.
Opponents argue
Opponents argue that cutting off UNRWA funding would eliminate the primary source of food, medicine, and education for nearly 6 million Palestinian refugees — a population that had no role in the October 7 attacks — and that no comparable alternative delivery mechanism exists at scale. They contend that the bill's blanket prohibition, rather than targeted accountability measures, punishes a vulnerable civilian population for the alleged misconduct of a small number of employees, and that withdrawing from UN bodies chaired by designated states would reduce U.S. influence in multilateral forums without meaningfully pressuring those governments.
Constitutional context
Congress has broad authority over foreign appropriations under the Foreign Commerce Clause (Art. I, §8, cl. 3) and the Spending Clause, and may attach conditions to or prohibit foreign aid. The bill's immunity-stripping provision engages the International Organizations Immunities Act, which Congress may modify by statute. The Supremacy Clause (Art. VI, cl. 2) is relevant because the U.S. is party to UN agreements that extend immunities; however, under Medellín v. Texas (2008), international agreements are not self-executing and Congress retains authority to override them through domestic legislation.
Checks and balances
Congress gains authority by removing executive discretion over UNRWA funding — the executive branch currently controls voluntary contributions — while the Secretary of State retains the gatekeeping role of designating state sponsors of terrorism, which triggers the UN delegation and contribution restrictions.
Historical precedent
The U.S. previously defunded UNRWA under the Taylor Force Act framework and through executive action in 2018, and Congress has repeatedly conditioned or restricted foreign aid to UN bodies under the Kassebaum-Solomon Amendment (1985) and subsequent legislation.