Docket 75-436
Buckley v. Valeo
DecidedFeb 27, 1976
Per Curiamdecision
Source: CourtListener.
Court strikes down campaign spending limits but upholds contribution limits and disclosure rules
What it does
The ruling upholds limits on how much individuals and groups can contribute to candidates, upholds disclosure and reporting requirements, and upholds the public financing system for presidential campaigns, but strikes down limits on independent political expenditures, limits on candidates spending their own money, and overall campaign spending ceilings as violations of free speech. It also holds that the method of appointing most members of the Federal Election Commission violates the separation of powers because Congress appointed officers who exercise executive enforcement power.
Who benefits
Wealthy candidates who wish to spend unlimited amounts of their own money on their campaigns, individuals and groups wishing to spend unlimited sums independently advocating for or against candidates, and major political parties and candidates who qualify for public financing.
Who is affected
Candidates for federal office and political committees, who remain subject to $1,000 (individual) and $5,000 (committee) contribution limits per candidate per election; minor parties and independent candidates, who receive reduced or no public financing; and the Federal Election Commission, which loses most of its enforcement powers until reconstituted with properly appointed officers.
Practical impact
Candidates can now spend unlimited personal wealth and unlimited overall funds on their campaigns, and individuals/groups can spend unlimited amounts independently advocating for candidates, dramatically increasing the role of money in elections. Contribution limits, disclosure rules, and public financing for presidential elections remain in force, requiring candidates to raise funds from broader donor bases. Congress had to reconstitute the FEC with commissioners appointed by the President (with Senate confirmation) rather than congressional leaders to restore its enforcement powers.
Majority reasoning
The Court, in a per curiam opinion, reasoned that contribution limits impose only a marginal restriction on speech because they restrict the symbolic act of giving rather than the contributor's own communication, and that they serve a compelling interest in preventing corruption and its appearance without needing to be the least restrictive means available. By contrast, expenditure limits directly restrict the quantity of political expression itself, and the government's anti-corruption interest does not justify them because independent spending, uncoordinated with a candidate, poses little risk of a quid pro quo. The Court rejected the "equalizing relative influence" rationale for both types of limits, finding it "wholly foreign" to the First Amendment, which favors more speech, not less. On disclosure, the Court found the informational, anti-corruption, and enforcement interests substantial enough to survive strict scrutiny, though it required proof of a reasonable probability of harassment before minor parties could be exempted. On the FEC, the Court held that Congress cannot itself appoint officers who wield significant executive enforcement authority; such officers must be appointed under the Appointments Clause by the President, courts, or department heads, though the Commission's past actions and existing informational functions remain valid.
Dissent reasoning
Chief Justice Burger dissented in part, arguing that contributions and expenditures are "two sides of the same First Amendment coin" and that the Court's distinction between them is unprincipled; he would have struck down contribution limits, the $10/$100 disclosure thresholds as irrationally low relics of a 1910 statute, and the entire public financing scheme as an improper government intrusion into private political activity that also discriminates against minor parties. Justice White dissented in part, arguing the Court should have upheld the expenditure limits too, since Congress reasonably concluded they were necessary to prevent circumvention of contribution limits, reduce corruption, and ease candidates' fundraising burdens; he found the majority's distinction between "authorized" and "independent" spending artificial and easily evaded. Justice Marshall dissented in part, arguing that the limit on candidates spending their own personal wealth should have been upheld because, combined with contribution limits, it prevents wealthy candidates from having an insurmountable advantage and promotes equal access to the political arena. Justice Blackmun dissented in part, stating he saw no principled constitutional distinction between contribution and expenditure limits and would have applied the same analysis to both. Justice Rehnquist dissented in part, arguing that the public financing scheme's preferential treatment of major parties over minor parties and independents was not adequately justified and violated the First and Fifth Amendments by entrenching the two-party system.
Constitutional question
Whether the Federal Election Campaign Act's limits on political contributions, spending, and disclosure requirements, its public financing scheme, and the method of appointing the Federal Election Commission violate the First Amendment, the Fifth Amendment, the General Welfare Clause, or separation-of-powers principles.